在知耻奋进中肩负起强军兴军的历史责任

　　——写在甲午战争120周年之际

　　中央军委副主席范长龙

　　历史是最好的教科书，中日甲午战争是这部教科书极为沉重的一页。回顾反思这段历史，为的是以史为鉴、知耻奋进，更好地把国防和军队建设事业推向前进，为实现“两个一百年”奋斗目标、实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦贡献力量。

　　一、运用马克思主义立场观点方法研究甲午战争

　　一个民族、一个国家、一支军队向前走，走得再远也不能忘记从哪里来、要到哪里去，都要从走过的路中汲取前进的智慧和力量。甲午战争是民族之痛、国家之殇、军队之辱，给中国人民留下刻骨铭心的记忆，给中华民族造成巨大创伤和深远影响。主席每每谈及中国近代的屈辱历史特别是甲午战争，都“痛彻肺腑”，有“剜心之痛”，强调要勿忘国耻，牢记血的教训，强化民族记忆，用这段历史警示国人、教育官兵。应当讲，对甲午战争的研究和反思，一百多年来从未停止过，今年又掀起了一个新热潮，取得了丰硕成果。怎样认识甲午战争，如何研究甲午战争、镜鉴甲午战争，是新形势下兴国强军的重大课题。我们要认真学习贯彻习主席重要指示精神，以服务党和国家的战略目标，服务军队现代化建设为根本着眼点，运用马克思主义历史观和方法论，全面深入研究这场战争，客观辩证分析历史教训，认识把握民族兴衰、国家存亡、战争胜负的历史规律，为实现中国梦强军梦提供历史借鉴。

　　唯物史观认为，历史发展离不开特定的经济社会环境，评价历史事件和人物，不能脱离当时的历史条件。研究甲午战争，要尊重历史、走进历史，搞清晚清的时代条件，搞清战争的来龙去脉，搞清重点人物和事件的真实情况，展现历史本来面目，不能把战败的原因单纯归咎于某个历史人物或事件，不能把部分清军官兵投降逃跑当作主流，不能简单地评价谁是英雄谁是罪人。今天研究甲午战争，要上溯到中国人民自鸦片战争以来170多年的斗争史，乃至中华民族5000多年的文明史中去审视，认清腐败和落后必然被动挨打、丧权辱国;联系我们党90多年的奋斗史，新中国成立60多年的发展史，改革开放以来30多年的改革史，认清没有共产党就没有新中国、只有社会主义才能救中国、只有中国特色社会主义才能发展中国的历史必然，在历史长河的比较鉴别中增强对中国特色社会主义的道路自信、理论自信、制度自信，坚定实现中国梦的决心和信心。

　　甲午战争历时近9个月，战争的成因和演变很复杂，涉及政治、经济、军事、科技、文化等诸多因素。研究甲午战争，必须运用唯物辩证法全面的、联系的、发展的观点，采取“交换、比较、反复”的方法，综合分析，系统思考，得出更接近史实的结论。我们既要研究晚清的洋务运动，又要研究日本的明治维新;既要研究重点战役，又要研究战争全局;既要研究海战，又要研究陆战;既要研究战败的直接后果，又要研究其对国家和民族的深远影响。毛泽东同志说过，日本侵略中国是一件坏事，但它唤起了中国人民的觉悟。历史是一支清醒剂，现在甲午战败这耻辱的一页翻过去了，但历史的教训不容忘记，历史的悲剧绝不能重演。

　　总结甲午战争失败的原因，要透过现象看本质，抓住主要矛盾和矛盾的主要方面。这些年，人们对甲午战败从各个角度进行过深入探讨总结，我认为除了帝国主义侵略这个外部因素外，当时的内在因素主要有两条，一是腐败，二是落后，而且腐败、落后都是全方位的。腐败必然涣散，落后就会挨打，这是从甲午战争乃至整个中国近代史中得出的重要结论。甲午战败后，中国人民和无数仁人志士为抗击侵略、救亡图存、振兴中华，进行了艰辛探索和不屈斗争，最终在中国共产党的带领下，打败内外敌人，洗刷民族耻辱，夺取革命胜利，取得了建设和改革的辉煌成就。今天的中国与120年前相比，从来没有如此扬眉吐气，如此令世人瞩目。越是在这样的情况下，我们越要保持清醒头脑，增强战略定力，励精图治、奋发图强，始终把中国的命运掌握在自己手中。

　　回望甲午是为走出甲午，反思败仗是为能打胜仗。研究甲午战争不能坐而论道、纸上谈兵，关键是要联系实际，联系正在做的事情，有选择有重点地进行研究。要把研究甲午战争与推进我军建设、改革和军事斗争准备结合起来，围绕重大理论和现实问题，拿出有分量的研究成果。如果我们能够把甲午战争的历史教训，变成实现中国梦强军梦的宝贵财富，那就是对甲午战争最好的纪念。

　　二、站在实现中国梦的高度肩负起强军历史责任

　　中国有句老话，叫忍痛容易忍痒难，忍穷容易忍辱难。甲午之战，北洋水师全军覆没，陆上作战一败涂地，军事上的失败直接导致丧权辱国的严重后果，使中华民族沦落到任人宰割、饱受欺凌的悲惨境地，在我们的民族心理上留下了屈辱悲愤的记忆。这段历史告诉我们，国家综合实力竞争起托底作用的是军事实力，国防和军队建设是国家安全的坚强后盾，没有一个巩固的国防，没有一支强大的军队，国家就不能独立，安全就没有支撑，发展就没有保障，人民也会遭殃。这个道理，就是毛主席讲的，没有一个人民的军队，便没有人民的一切。习主席着眼坚持和发展中国特色社会主义，从实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的战略高度，鲜明提出“建设一支听党指挥、能打胜仗、作风优良的人民军队”这一党在新形势下的强军目标，适应国际战略形势和国家安全环境的发展变化，顺应全党全军全国各族人民的殷切期盼，彰显了党中央、习主席建设强大军队、保障国家和平发展的决心意志和使命担当。

　　当今世界，求和平、谋发展、促合作的时代潮流不可逆转，我国正处在由大向强发展的关键历史阶段。我们比历史上任何时期都更接近中华民族伟大复兴的目标，比历史上任何时期都更有信心、更有能力实现这个目标，但前进道路不会一帆风顺，必须准备进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争。我国是一个发展中的社会主义大国，是世界上尚未实现完全统一的大国，也是同周边多国存在领土主权和海洋权益争端的大国，我们要高度关注哪些因素可能把我国拖入局部战争和武装冲突，哪些因素可能打断我国发展进程。在国家和人民需要的时候，军队必须上得去、打得赢，这是军队同志的第一责任。

　　甲午硝烟早已散去，历史警钟仍在长鸣。我们希望和平，但必须有能力捍卫和平;军事手段作为保底手段，只有靠得住、能顶用，才能底气足、腰杆硬。我们这支军队的强大，至少应体现在以下几个方面：一是能够坚决维护国家政治安全，为党巩固执政地位、维护中国特色社会主义提供坚强力量保障。二是能够坚决维护国家统一，为两岸关系和平发展、最终解决台湾问题创造条件。三是能够坚决维护国家主权和领土完整，对恶意挑衅和侵犯之敌，敢于不惜一战并战而胜之。四是能够坚决维护国家发展的重要战略机遇期和国家发展利益。五是能够坚决维护地区和世界和平，为人类进步事业作贡献。总起来说，军队强不强，核心看打仗;战场打不赢，一切等于零。

　　建设强大人民军队是接续奋斗的伟大事业，一代人有一代人的使命。现在强军的责任历史地落到了我们这一代人的肩上，我们就要挑起这副重担，牢记强军目标，坚定强军信念，投身强军实践，为实现中国梦提供坚强力量保证。

　　三、坚持把改革创新作为推进强军实践的动力源

　　改革创新是世界发展的不竭动力。一个国家不能顺应时势革故鼎新，就不能前进;一支军队不能紧跟潮流变革转型，就难以强大。甲午战争的教训表明，军事上的落后一旦形成，对国家安全的影响是致命的。在最具创新活力、最需创新精神的军事领域，只有创新创新再创新，使创新成为一种新常态，才能在激烈的对抗和竞争中抢占先机、赢得主动。

　　改革创新，根本的是解放思想。思想不解放，不可能迈开前进的步子。晚清洋务运动的失败，很大程度上败在封建统治者和官僚集团思想上的保守;清军在战场上的失败，很大程度表现为军事思想和作战指导的落后。实现强军目标是一项开拓性很强的事业，面临大量新情况新问题，必须有新的理念、新的视野、新的方法、新的标准。要坚持用习主席关于国防和军队建设重要论述统一思想，牢固树立不改革就不能打仗、更不可能打胜仗的危机意识，坚决从保守主义、教条主义、本位主义和那些不合时宜的陈旧观念中解放出来，着眼未来战争，紧盯时代大势，更新思想观念，创新军事理论和战略指导，发展先进军事文化，为强军实践提供思想引领和理论支撑。

　　邓小平同志有个著名论断，科学技术是第一生产力。晚清洋务运动持续30余年，国防科技工业基础仍然薄弱，始终未能摆脱对外国的严重依赖，始终没有建立起独立自主的近代军事工业体系，教训发人深省。当今世界，科技进步日新月异，高新技术武器装备“井喷式”发展。这些年，我军武器装备实现了历史性跨越，但与世界军事强国相比差距还很大，特别是一些核心关键技术和“命门”还掌握在别人手里。如果缺乏足够的危机感紧迫感，不尽快扭转这种被动局面，就难以在战场上克敌制胜。发展军事科技和武器装备，要树雄心、立壮志，瞄准世界军事科技发展前沿，实施科技强军战略，提高自主创新能力，加快发展先进武器装备，为打赢信息化局部战争奠定坚实的物质技术基础。

　　没有组织形态现代化，就没有军队现代化。晚清军事改革“只变事不变法”，“只改器不改制”，始终没有突破军事制度这个“瓶颈”。深化军队改革，必须坚持强军目标引领，着眼进一步解放和发展军队战斗力，进一步解放和增强军队活力，以推进军队组织形态现代化为指向，抓住联合作战指挥体制改革这一重中之重，统筹推进领导管理体制、军队政策制度改革和军民融合深度发展，调整优化作战力量结构，加快发展新型作战力量，构建现代军事力量体系，努力走出一条中国特色强军之路。

　　人是改革创新的主体。晚清由于严重缺乏近代军事人才，很难进行彻底的军事改革，打造真正的新式军队，由于缺乏掌握先进技术、战术的人才队伍，很难夺取和保持战场上的主动权。当前，建设与打赢信息化局部战争要求相适应的人才队伍，是我们一项重大而紧迫的战略任务。要按照信息主导、体系作战的要求，大力培养新型军事人才，重点抓好优秀联合作战指挥人才和高水平专业技术人才培养。要在全军进一步兴起学习信息化知识、掌握信息化装备、提高信息化技能的热潮，提高官兵信息素养，增强官兵创新能力，以更好地肩负起强军兴军重任，有效履行军队职能使命。

　　四、以优良作风为实现强军目标提供坚强保证

　　作风松散可以搞垮常胜之师，作风优良才能塑造英雄部队。甲午战败，不仅败在武器装备、战法运用等方面，也败在精神和作风上。尽管不少清军官兵英勇顽强、浴血奋战，但军纪废弛、贪污腐化、精神萎靡等现象普遍存在，一些高级将领贪生怕死，甚至未战先逃，这样的军队是注定要打败仗的。我军在80多年的战斗历程和建设实践中，培育形成了一整套光荣传统和优良作风，这是人民军队的鲜明特色和政治优势。实现强军目标，要继承发扬我党我军光荣传统和优良作风，保持党绝对领导下的人民军队的根本性质，保持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，保持官兵一致、上下一致的内部关系，保持艰苦奋斗、清正廉洁的政治本色，让红色基因一代代传下去。我们反思甲午战争，就要防止当时那种作风之弊在今天滋生蔓延，尤其要在以下几个方面努力。

　　一要始终对党忠诚。听党指挥是我军永远不变的军魂，是能打仗、打胜仗的根本政治保证。要强化军魂意识，毫不动摇地坚持党对军队绝对领导的根本原则和制度，做到平时听招呼，战时听指挥，关键时刻不含糊，任何时候任何情况下都对党忠诚老实。

　　二要矢志爱军精武。对军队而言，全部工作都要向打仗聚焦，各项建设都要向打仗用劲，形成谋打仗、能打仗、打胜仗的鲜明导向;对军人而言，要把心思和精力用在主业上，当带兵打仗的行家、本职工作的专家。粟裕大将一辈子不会打牌、下棋、跳舞，最大爱好是看地图、观地形、研究打仗。我们要向老一辈革命家学习，始终有一种夜里挑灯看剑、梦回吹角连营的备战状态，做到脑子里永远有任务，眼睛里永远有敌人，肩膀上永远有责任，胸膛里永远有激情。

　　三要强化战斗精神。我军向来以强大的战斗精神闻名于世，这种精神的核心是一不怕苦、二不怕死。在党和人民需要的时候，军队必须挺身而出、舍生忘死，为国家利益而战。要锤炼革命军人的胆气和血性，继承和发扬我军大无畏的英雄气概和英勇顽强的战斗作风，把官兵培养成当兵不怕苦、训练不怕累、打仗不怕死的“小老虎”，把连队带成随时拉得出、上得去、打得赢的“刀尖子”，把部队打造成机动迅速、指挥高效、能攻善守、保障有力的雄师劲旅。

　　四要坚决反对腐败。习主席指出，军队如果不坚决反对不良风气和腐败现象，任其发展下去，不要说打胜仗，可能是打不了仗的。我们要牢记习主席的重要指示，铭记甲午战争的历史警示，从徐才厚、谷俊山等反面教材中吸取深刻教训，筑牢思想防线，永葆政治本色。要高标准、严要求推进反腐工作，对腐败零容忍，坚持有腐必反、有案必查，保持敢抓大抓常抓的态势，军中绝不能有腐败分子藏身之地。

　　五要坚持真抓实干。实干兴邦，实干兴军。现在，我们已经踏上强军的新征程，要扎扎实实地干下去，干在实处、干出实效，定下的事情、部署的工作要抓紧实施、一抓到底，发现的问题要盯住不放、务求解决，特别是要大力纠治训风演风，对训练中的形式主义露头就打、见到就批，对训练中弄虚作假的一票否决、追究责任，演练要不怕出错、不怕搞砸、不怕推倒重来，在实战化训练中提高实战本领。要发扬钉钉子精神，咬定青山不放松，一张蓝图干到底，加紧推进军队建设、改革和军事斗争准备，为实现党在新形势下的强军目标而努力奋斗!

　　英文版：

　　Learn from Past Humiliation and Strengthen China’s Armed Forces

　　Fan Changlong

　　If we say that history is our best textbook, it would be fair to call the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 one of its darkest chapters. By reflecting on this period of history, heeding its warning, and remembering our shame as we forge ahead, we will be better poised to advance the development of China’s national defense and armed forces and contribute to the realization of the “Two Centennial Goals” and the Chinese dream of national rejuvenation.

　　I. Approaching the Sino-Japanese War from a Marxist perspective

　　The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 is ingrained in the memories of the Chinese people. The war inflicted great trauma to the Chinese nation, influencing it in profound and far-reaching ways. For more than a century, our efforts to study and reflect on this war have never ceased.

　　Historical materialism holds that the progression of history cannot be isolated from specific economic and social environment, and that people and events in history cannot be divorced from the historical conditions of their time. As we examine the Sino-Japanese War, therefore, it is important that we show respect for history and view the war in its rightful historical context. In particular, we must gain a clear understanding of the historical conditions during the late Qing Dynasty, of events before and after the war, and of key figures and events as they really were, so as to paint an accurate picture of that period of history. What we cannot do is simply attribute China’s defeat to certain individuals or events, or make simple judgments about who the heroes were and who was to blame. Studying the Sino-Japanese War today, it is important that we assume a broad historical approach. First, viewing the war within the context of the Chinese people’s 170-year struggle since the Opium War (1840-42) – and even within the context of more than 5,000 years of Chinese civilization – it should be clear to us that corruption and backwardness inevitably expose a country to attack, humiliation, and loss of sovereignty. Second, linking the war to endeavors of the CPC over more than 90 years, the development of the People’s Republic of China over more than 60 years, and progression of China’s reform and opening up over more than 30 years, it should be clear that there would be no New China without the CPC, that only socialism can save China, and that only socialism with Chinese characteristics can enable China to develop. Such historical comparisons will help us to become more confident in our path, theories, and system, thereby strengthening our resolve to pursue the Chinese Dream.

　　Lasting for almost nine months, the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 was a complex war that came about due to a host of political, economic, military, technological, and cultural factors. In studying this war, we must adopt the viewpoint of dialectical materialism – which holds that in order to understand something we should study it comprehensively, dynamically, and in terms of its relations with other things, through comparisons and repeated reviews – carrying out comprehensive analysis and examination in order to arrive at conclusions that closely reflect historical realities. This requires that we approach the war from a broad perspective, examining not just the Westernization Movement of the late Qing Dynasty, but also the Meiji Reform in Japan; not just the major engagements, but also the war as a whole; not just the fighting at sea, but also the fighting on land; and not just the direct consequences of China’s defeat, but also its far-reaching impacts on China and the Chinese people.

　　To identify why China was defeated in the war, we must penetrate the surface of the supposed reasons, grasping their principal contradictions as well as the principal aspects of those contradictions. In recent years, China’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 has been studied from a number of different angles. In my opinion, apart from the obvious external factor of imperialist aggression, there were two important internal factors that contributed to China’s defeat: corruption and backwardness. This corruption and backwardness were of an all-encompassing nature. Corruption inevitably led to demoralization, while backwardness resulted in vulnerability to attack. This is the conclusion we can draw from the Sino-Japanese War, but it is also the conclusion we can draw from the entire modern history of China.

　　We look back at the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 so that we can emerge from its shadow, and we reflect on defeat so that we can prepare ourselves for victory. That said, our discussion of the Sino-Japanese War should not be limited to just principles and theories. Rather, we must draw links between the war and what we are doing at present, highlighting key points that are worthy of our attention.

　　II. Assuming our historical responsibility to strengthen the armed forces with a view to realizing the Chinese Dream

　　There is an old Chinese saying that an itch is harder to bear than an ache, and humiliation is harder to bear than poverty. The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 saw the total destruction of the Beiyang Fleet and the crushing defeat of China’s land forces. As a direct consequence of this defeat, China was forced to surrender national sovereignty under humiliating terms. The Chinese people were plunged into a sorry plight, being bullied and trampled over at will by foreign aggressors. This period of history tells us two things: first, that military strength is a key supporting pillar of a country’s overall strength; and second, that the development of national defense and military capabilities is necessary to safeguard a country’s national security. Without strong national defense and military capabilities, there is no guarantee of our independence, security, and development. In the end, it is people that would suffer.

　　The pursuit of peace, development, and cooperation has emerged as an irreversible trend of our times. However, as China undergoes a crucial transformation from a big country to a major one, its path ahead will hardly be plain sailing.

　　The Sino-Japanese War may be long behind us, but the warning bells of history are still ringing. While we hope for peace, we must have the ability to guard it by any means necessary. As a last resort, military action must be both reliable and effective when called for. Only then will we have the confidence to hold our ground. Our armed forces must be strong enough to assume the following tasks. First, they must have the capacity to ensure China’s political security, providing a strong guarantee for the governing position of the CPC and the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Second, they must have the capacity to preserve China’s unity, creating favorable conditions for the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations and the ultimate resolution of the Taiwan issue. Third, they must have the capacity to safeguard China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, having the courage to meet aggressors on the battlefield and claim victory. Fourth, they must have the capacity to preserve an important period of strategic opportunity for China’s development, and to safeguard its developmental interests. Fifth, they must have the capacity to maintain regional and world peace, thereby contributing to the cause of human progress.

　　The building of a strong people’s army is a continuous undertaking of monumental proportions, one in which each generation will have its own role to play. Now the historical responsibility of strengthening China’s armed forces has come to us. In assuming this mission, we must be clear about our goal, firm in our convictions, and devoted in our efforts, so as to provide a solid assurance for the realization of the Chinese Dream.

　　III. Drawing on reform and innovation to strengthen the armed forces

　　The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 taught us just how devastating a military disadvantage can be for a country’s national security. The military sector is one of the most innovative of all sectors. It is also the sector that needs innovation the most. Only by constantly innovating and establishing innovation as the “new normal” will we be able to seize the initiative and gain the upper hand in the midst of fierce contention and competition.

　　The key to reform and innovation is to free our minds. Failure to do so will rule out any chance of progress. The failure of the Westernization Movement towards the end of the Qing Dynasty was mainly due to the conservatism of China’s feudal rulers and bureaucrats at the time. Likewise, the defeat of Qing Dynasty forces in the Sino-Japanese War was mainly the result of outdated military thinking and command. Today, China’s efforts to strengthen its armed forces represent a pioneering undertaking. As we work towards this goal, we are certain to encounter a host of new situations and problems, and this means we will be required to embrace new concepts, perspectives, approaches, and standards. With the possibility of future conflicts in mind, we must closely identify contemporary trends, embrace new ways of thinking, renew our military theories and strategic guidelines, and foster an advanced military culture, so as to lay down guiding principles and theoretical foundations for our efforts to strengthen the armed forces.

　　Deng Xiaoping famously said that science and technology constitute the primary productive force. The Westernization Movement of the late Qing Dynasty lasted for more than 30 years. But at its end China’s defense industries were still grossly underdeveloped. China was still heavily dependent on foreign countries for arms, having failed to establish a modern framework of independent military industries. There are profound lessons to be learned from this failure. While China has come a long way in equipping its armed forces, it still lags behind some of the world’s military powers. We still rely on other countries for many core technologies that are crucial to the effectiveness of our armed forces. Therefore, in developing military technology, weapons, and equipment, we must set our sights on the cutting edge of military science and technology, employ a strategy of strengthening the armed forces through science and technology, and raise our capacity for innovation by relying on our own strength.

　　A modernized military must employ modernized forms of organization. China’s military reform at the end of the Qing Dynasty succeeded in upgrading weapons and equipment, but failed to make substantial advances in the reform of military institutions, which was where the real bottleneck lay. In deepening the reform of the armed forces today, we must continue to pursue our goal of strengthening the armed forces and work to further release and enhance the vitality of our military. With a view to modernizing the way in which the military is organized, we must prioritize the establishment of joint-operation command mechanisms through reform, and engage in a coordinated effort to promote the reform of the leadership and management system, the overhaul of the military policy making system, and the deepening of military-civilian integration.

　　People are the key actors in reform and innovation. In the late Qing Dynasty, China struggled to carry out thorough military reform, and thus establish a truly modern army, because it suffered from an acute shortage of modern military talent. Likewise, on the battlefield it was unable to seize and maintain the upper hand because it lacked personnel who were well versed in advanced techniques and tactics. At present, we face the major and urgent strategic task of training the talent that we will need to ensure victory in a limited, high-tech war. To meet the requirements of information-driven, integrated warfare, we must devote major efforts to training a new breed of military talent, particularly outstanding talent in joint-operation command and highly specialized technical personnel.

　　IV. The importance of good discipline and conduct in strengthening the armed forces

　　China’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 was not only the result of inferior weapons, equipment, and tactics; it was also the result of poor discipline and conduct. Since its establishment more than 80 years ago, China’s army has established a tradition of sound discipline and conduct through the course of its experiences both on and off the battlefield. This has become one of the most distinctive features of our people’s army, and one of its major political advantages. In order to attain our goal of strengthening the armed forces, it is essential that we carry forward the fine traditions and ways of conduct of the CPC and the Chinese military.

　　First, we must remain loyal to the CPC.

　　China’s armed forces are and will always be subject to the command of the CPC. This is the political guarantee that will ensure our armed forces can win the battles they are called upon to fight. It is therefore essential that we resolutely uphold the fundamental principle and system of absolute leadership over the armed forces by the CPC, ensuring that we follow the instructions of the CPC at times of peace, obey the commands of the CPC at times of war, play our due role at critical moments, and remain loyal to the CPC at all times and under all circumstances.

　　Second, we must commit ourselves to developing China’s military.

　　As soldiers, we should devote our energies to our main tasks, becoming competent commanders, able fighters, and experts in our respective posts. Learning from veteran revolutionaries, we must remember our tasks, shoulder our responsibilities, and retain our passion at all times.

　　Third, we must strengthen our fighting spirit.

　　China’s military is known around the world for its immense fighting spirit. At the core of this spirit is the courage to bear hardships and to look death in the face. We must continue to forge the mettle of revolutionary soldiers, carrying forward the dauntless spirit and strong resilience that have become a tradition in our armed forces. We must train our men and officers to fear neither hardships nor death; build forces that can be called upon to win battles at any time; and forge an army that is highly mobile, effectively commanded, adept at attack and defense, and logistically well supported.

　　Fourth, we must take a tough stance on corruption.

　　High standards must be set and maintained in a continued drive to combat corruption. Adopting a zero-tolerance stance, we must ensure that all cases of corruption are resolutely dealt with and that all acts of corruption are strictly punished. We must have the courage to keep the pressure on corruption with unsparing efforts. Under no circumstances can the armed forces become an enclave for corruption.

　　Fifth, we must engage in practical efforts and achieve real results.

　　We must work in a solid, pragmatic, and effective fashion, carrying out the various initiatives and tasks that have been assigned to us quickly and thoroughly. Where problems are uncovered, we must focus on finding a pragmatic solution. With the persistence to see our plan through, we must step up our efforts to strengthen the armed forces, advance reform, and prepare for possible military conflict, engaging in an all-out push to realize the CPC’s target of strengthening the armed forces under new circumstances.

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（编辑：杨帆）